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relationally. Drawing on the work of Tony Bennett, Kane Race and Gay Hawkins (2011, p.

               115) suggest:




                        ...reality is enacted or performed through the multiple relations whereby things get
                        associated. So it is not a matter of identifying actions and practices as evidence of
                        social forces or representations of deeper structures but rather of tracing how the
                        “the social” emerges in the dynamic of both durable and fleeting assemblages.



               In  this  sense  a  cause  and  effect  analysis  of  change  is  too  limiting.  A  relational  politic

               (Abrahamsson  et  al.  2015,  p.  13)  allows  us  to  consider  that  the  introduction  of  new


               ways/things  and  the  letting  go  of  others,  always  take  place  relationally.  Indeed,  being

               involves a ‘dynamic nexus of relationships through time’ (Marshall & Connor 2016, p. 4).

               New assemblages and therefore new forms of life emerge relationally, as the material and


               semiotic components that hold such worlds together reshuffle and reassemble.

                       In this chapter I attend to the various components of an assemblage that have come


               together in recent years to create opportunities and constraints for the contemporary tonnara.

               My focus is the people whose lives are constituted in part through the tonnara. In San Pietro


               in 2013 there were multiple realities of caring for and of knowing tuna. Yet not all of these

               realities and modes of knowing were acknowledged or given the opportunity to continue. I

               outlined this point in the previous chapter by focusing on the legitimisation of certain forms


               of knowledge over others. Furthering this argument, I now consider what happens when some


               realities cease to exist or change so drastically that, as in the case of the tonnara, they become

               a quite different entity altogether. At the centre are changes to the mattanza and the shift from

               a food-provisioning tonnara to a trap which functions to collect and analyse data. Once we


               better  understand  the  reality  of  the  contemporary  tonnara  as  “multiple”  then  we  can

               understand  processes  of  change  as  interferences,  in  which  some  assemblies  are  more


               powerful and provide the conditions for certain realities to exist over others. The multiple

               functions and meanings of the tonnara are not simply perceptions but are part of a performed


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