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lust because sushi is available, in some form or anoth-  1
                 CULTURE  SPLASH


                 el; in exclusive Fifth Avenue restaurants, in baseball sta-
                 diums in Los Angeles, at airport snack carts in Ams-
                 terdam,  at an apartment in Madrid  (delivered by
                 motorcycle), or in Buenos Aires, Tel Aviv, or Moscow,
                 doesn't mean that sushi has lost its status as Japanese
                 cultural property. Globalization doesn't  necessarily
                 homogenize cultural differences nor erase the salience
                 of cultural labels. Quite the contrary, it grows the fran-
                 chise. In the global economy of consumption, the brand
                 equity of sushi as Japanese cultural property adds to the
                 cachet of  both the country and the cuisine. A Texan
                 Chinese-American restauranteur told me, for example,
                 that he had converted his chain of restaurants from Chi-
                 nese to Japanese cuisine because the prestige factor of
                 the latter meant he could charge a premium; his clients
                 couldn't  distinguish between Chinese and Japanese
                 employees (and often failed to notice that some of the
                 chefs behind his sushi bars were Latinos).
                    The brand equity is sustained by complicated flows
                 of  labor and ethnic biases. Outside of Japan, having
                 Japanese hands (or a reasonable facsimile) is sufficient
                 warrant  for sushi competence. Guidebooks for the
                 current generation of  Japanese global wandervogel
                 sometimes advise young Japanese looking for a job in
                 a distant city to work as a sushi chef; U.S.  consular
                 offices in Japan grant more than 1,000 visas a year to
                 sushi chefs, tuna  buyers,  and other workers in the
                 global sushi business. A trade school in Tokyo, oper-
                 ating under the name Sushi Daigaku (Sushi University)
                 offers short courses in sushi preparation so "students"
                 can impress prospective employers with an imposing cer-
                 tificate. Even without papers, howevel; sushi remains
                 firmly linked in the minds of Japanese and foreigners
                 alike with Japanese cultural identity. Throughout the
                 world, sushi restaurants operated by Koreans, Chinese,
                 or Vietnamese maintain Japanese identities. In sushi
                 bars from Boston to Valencia, a customer's simple greet-
                 ing in Japanese can throw chefs into a panic (or drive
                 them to the far end of the counter).
                    On the docks, too, Japanese cultural control of
                 sushi remains unquestioned. Japanese buyers and
                 "tuna techs" sent from Tsukiji to work seasonally on
                 the docks of New England laboriously instruct foreign
                 fishers on the proper techniques for catching, handling,
                 and packing tuna  for export. A bluefin tuna must
                 approximate the appropriate  kata, or "ideal form," of
                 color, texture, fat content, body shape, and so forth,
                 all prescribed by Japanese specifications. Processing
                 requires proper attention as well. Special paper is sent
                 from Japan for wrapping the fish before burying them   Liquid assets: A diver ropes a bluefin tuna caught in a net.

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