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105-109). This was enabled by the legal framework of the Freedom of the Seas,
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which had been set down in 17 century by a Dutch lawyer Hugo Grotius in the book
Mare Liberum (Freedom of the Seas). Beyond a three nautical mile belt along the
coast, the law stated the seas are free to all and owned by none. In this period the seas
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were still largely seen as inexhaustible. In Iceland during the 18 century, the new
capitalist relations and paradigm introduced different concepts of nature, production,
fishing and fish. ‘In particular the relative power of fish to humans was reversed’
(Pálsson 1991, p. 103). Human labour came to be viewed as creating value and ‘[t]he
peasant’s mythology, and its image of the cosmic order replaced by the notion of
infinite natural resources’ (Pálsson 1991, pp. 100-110). Nature was considered
random but calculable and the term “fishing by cleverness” entered the vocabulary
(Pálsson 1991, p. 130). The role of the skipper became more important and the crew
relationships hierarchical. In this period fishing technology underwent important
changes. Complex gear was introduced – long lines, gillnets and trawls – and the value
of certain fish also changed, as European and American tastes began to define the
market. Some of the fish, which in the past were considered inedible and smelly,
became a delicacy (Pálsson 1991, p. 109).
The third phase emerged with the threat of overexploitation in the 1960s.
Pálsson argues that this lead to the ‘social authority of marine biological research’ and
with this, a scientific discourse on resource use (Pálsson 1991, p. 133). Biological
information became the authoritative knowledge and the new rationale that emerged
was based on the idea that humans are collectively responsible for the maintenance of
fish and the seas (Pálsson 1991, p. 133). On a local level, fishing success became less
about fishiness or skill, or the size of catch due to the new ceiling on production, and
more about capital, technology, gear and ecological factors. The credibility of the
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