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That is, a shift from nature conceived of as divinely constructed to nature explained

                   through a scientific environmental discourse. For Pálsson (1991, p. 3) discourses are:



                            …words  used  in  face-to-face  interactions  in  the  process  of  making  a
                            livelihood,  the  commonplace  statements  they  exchange  about  their
                            resources and their productive efforts, their “folk” theories of nature and
                            production,  and  the  general  paradigms  within  which  they  cast  their
                            theories  about  the  workings  of  nature  and  human-environmental
                            interactions.



                   He  distinguished  three  phases  of  fishing  during  this  period  that  reflect  wider

                   transformations to an environmental order and discourses of fish and fishing. In the


                   first phase, which lasted up to the mid-1800s, fishing was regarded as an exchange

                   with nature. For example, some Cod roe, which humans ate, was often thrown into the


                   ocean to restore fertility and the fishers spoke of their prey as a gift from god (Pálsson

                   1991, p. 90). A key concept was “fishiness”: the ability, unevenly distributed amongst


                   fishers,  to  get  fish  (Pálsson  1991,  pp.  90-91).  I  say  ‘get’  because  in  this  context

                   catching is too active a term since fishing was not understood as a human controlled

                   activity, rather fishers who possessed fishiness were seen as passive recipients fated to


                   this  success  (Pálsson  1991,  p.  91).  Icelanders  used  natural  signs  to  strategise

                   production,  for  example,  the  appearance  of  certain  birds  meant  the  migration  of


                   certain fish (Pálsson 1991, p. 88). The catch was confined as fish was supplied to a

                   limited local market and through specific colonial owned trade (Pálsson 1991, pp. 84-


                   86).  Fish  was  ranked  aesthetically,  for  instance  herring  was  not  considered  fish

                   because  of  its  foul  smell,  and  marine  invertebrates  ‘shameful  and  untouchable’


                   (Pálsson 1991, p. 92).

                          A  second  phase  soon  arrived  with  the  emergence  of  capitalist  relations  of


                   production and the development of new markets for Icelandic fish products in the late

                     th
                   18   century  when  the  market  opened  targets  became  indefinite  (Pálsson  1991,  pp.


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