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skipper began to diminish, overcome by the discourse of marine biologists, politicians
and state bureaucrats (Pálsson 1991, p. 133). In this period quota were introduced as a
way to limit the quantity of fish that a fishery could catch. Pálsson suggests that the
unintended consequence of the quota system has been the dumping of species that do
not fit the quota conditions (Pálsson 1991, p. 138). In addition, the main version of the
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quota, the ITQ has led to the privatisation and commodification of the commons and
is a clear indication of a market logic applied to sustainable resource use (Pálsson
1998, p. 276). During these transformations a new environmental ordering emerged
that informs contemporary marine management. Even though these last two phases
are particular accounts of changes in Iceland, these phases can be seen in
transformations of fishery management globally.
th
The latter part of the 20 century has seen the appearance of terms like
“sustainable fishery”, “sustainable standards” (Greenpeace 2010), “sustainable
fishing” and “sustainable seafood market” (MSC n.d.), “maximum sustainable yield”
and “sustainable management of fisheries” (FAO 1995, pp. 9-12), and “sustainable
sourcing” (Coles n.d.). These terms have become part of popular vocabulary and are
used across a range of institutions from FAO, Greenpeace, government bodies,
through to supermarkets such as Coles. For the time being I would like to situate
sustainability and its practices, as an extension of Pálsson’s final phase where he
identifies that marine biology and conservation institutions along with local, national
and transnational government are positioned as the authorities and stewards of the
oceans. In addition, however, the consumer steps in as a steward through their
perceived buying power and responsibility: a buying power that of course operates
within a capitalist framework. As explained through Pálsson’s final phase, the
institutional authorities as well as a capitalist framework, develops the terms of
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