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and fishery standards as normative forms of governmentality. Of course the Maldives is a

               different  kettle  of  fish,  with  a  different  socio-political  and  historical  context  to  Eastern


               Europe. But this is precisely Dunn’s point.  There is an assumption that each zone shares the


               same set of problems, which the same standards can address (Dunn 2007, p. 180). ‘But why

               is  it  that  the  standards  developed  for  one  set  of  circumstances  appear  to  be  applicable  or

               attractive in a completely different context?’ (Dunn 2007, p. 180). It is worth questioning the


               particular  context  of  the  Maldives  and  asking,  what  function  beyond  the  intended  explicit

               function  (i.e.  sustaining  tuna  stocks  and  building  Maldivian  fishery  industry)  do  eco


               certification standards play in the Maldivian tuna fishing communities?

                       As I have suggested, the new networks do not arise from an apolitical or ahistorical


               context.  In  the  Maldivian  tuna  industry  (including  fishing  and  canning)  the  history  of

               international  relations  with  big  businesses  and  NGOs  such  as  Food  and  Agriculture

               Organization (FAO) goes back to the 1970s. After the export of Maldives Fish (dried and


               cured fish) ceased in the 1970s due to restrictions on Sri Lankan imports (Dagbjartsson 1983,

               p. 58), the Maldivian industry began to diversify. From the 1970s Japanese corporations were


               involved in tuna export and canning (Sinan n.d., p. 9; Barclay 2013, p. 25). For example, the

               Marubeni Corporation started buying tuna from the Maldives for canning before establishing


               a joint-venture cannery on the island of Felivaru in 1978 (Barclay 2013, p. 25). Since the

               1980s when Marubeni Corporation left the island due to fluctuating tuna prices, the state-


               owned  enterprises  conducted  all  the  trading  in  cannery  and  frozen  tuna,  and  operated  the

               cannery	up until 2003  (Barclay 2013, p. 25). Until the government decided to privatise the


               skipjack tuna post-harvesting sector in 2003, the state owned company Maldives Industrial

               Fisheries Company had a complete monopoly (FAO 2009). Not only have large corporations

               had involvement in the tuna industry but also in the 1980s, the UN Food and Agriculture










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