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and conflicted systems of governance (Barclay 2016, p. 66). The myth of endless abundance

               was subdued with the idea that overfishing could occur (Barclay 2016, p. 68). For example,


               ‘[t]he notion that fisheries should be managed for sustainability attained the status of societal


               myth, but policies and their implementation have not lived up to the myth’ (Barclay 2016, p.

               68).  This  is  because  under  the  broad  myth  that  suggests  fisheries  should  be  managed  by

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               government  is  a  related  myth  about  the  types  of  science  that  are  relevant .  For  instance,

               studying  fish  as  single  species  rather  than  as  part  of  complex  communities  has  led  to  the

               principle of fishing to MSY (Barclay 2016, pp. 68-69), which underpins quota systems today.


                       Myths are also part of the operations of boundary making. Working within my current

               theoretical framework, we can say that myths and their ‘well-worn grooves of thought and


               practices’  (Barclay  2016,  p.  66)  are  powerful  components  of  an  assembly  of  human  and

               more-than-human  things,  otherwise  known  as  a  hybrid  entity  we  call  a  fishery.  Myths

               underpin understandings of the tonnara as a fishery that functions to provide not only food


               but  also  data.  In  the  same  way  that  myths  coexist  and  sometimes  conflict  in  fishery

               governance, so too do the myths that underpin the EU proposal. Myths of tradition combine


               with  myths  of  sustainability  and  science  as  the  solution  to  overfishing.  These  myths  then

               conceal other realities of the tonnara as tradition, for example the mattanza. Bringing this


               discussion back to the theme of boundary making, I suggest that myths tend to operate by

               directing attention to particular ontological realities, and so can obscure alternative realities.


               In the case of the tonnara and the appeal to tradition, several myths combine: the broad myth

               that  government  should  manage  fisheries  combines  with  the  myth  of  MSY,  which  also


               combines with the myth that tradition is limited to the trap. Such myths work to define what a

               fishery is and to justify fishery governance, including the definition of the problems and their

               solutions.








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