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been taking place for centuries. Through adaptation, the remaining tonnare have managed to

               endure. But is it enough for the trap to endure when the local socio-cultural context has been


               so transformed? Is this simply a matter of classification?


                       If we understand the tonnara as a relational entity then we can better understand the

               transformations.  A relational approach moves away from a cause and effect approach, which

               as  Abrahamsson  et  al.  (2015)  have  argued,  dominates  weak  versions  of  new  materialism.


               Rather than conclude that materialities are involved in political conundrums or suggest that

               one  thing  affects  another,  we  should  push  the  analytical  inquiry  to  ask,  ‘what  do  the


               circumstances afford and which responses should be considered’ (Abrahamsson et al. 2015,

               p. 16). As I have argued, the circumstances of the contemporary tonnara have afforded very


               little  in  the  way  of  continuing  the  mattanza  and  legitimate  practices  of  preserving  tuna.

               Rather,  the  contemporary  circumstances  that  have  afforded  the  tonnara  the  opportunity  to

               continue as a trap include: the particular form of fishery governance with its mythologies of


               single  species  management  and  MSY;  the  technologies  and  techniques  available  through

               fattening  ranches;  the  relationships  between  owners  and  marine  scientists;  and  companies


               driven by capital gains from markets hungry for fatty tuna. The continued scientific research

               in the traps has also afforded the traps the possibility to secure its future. Now we can ask


               what the new situation of the tonnara affords the people of these fishing communities.

                       If  the  relations  among the entities  that maintain  the  tonnara  have changed,  from a


               food provisioning tonnara (where tuna has until recently been harvested locally) to a data

               generating  trap  (where  tuna  is  transferred  live  away  from  the  island),  this  significantly


               changes the possibilities afforded to fishers. As we will see, it also affects the identity and

               forms of life of inhabitants of these tuna fishing islands. Within the new reality fishermen no

               longer harvest tuna and trade tuna organs, or the associated practices become clandestine. In


               other words, the mattanza and ways of living, labouring and knowing have been interfered




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