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of  cultural  geography  and  its  debates  about  the  politics  of  consumption,  as  well  as  in  the

               trans-disciplinary forum of the Follow the Things website (followthethings n.d.). The website


               is an online imitation shopping site and platform for following projects. It has a clear political


               mission: to make visible and question who makes the things that we buy, to expose the social,

               political,  and  environmental  costs  of  these  products,  and  to  ask  how  they  arrive  in  our

               shopping trolley. For Cook et al., following is a mode of researching food commodities and


               systems, as a way to ‘get inside networks, go with the flows and look to connect’ (2006, p.

               659). Not only for the sake of uncovering networks but because these studies often reveal so


               much  more  and  involve  ‘bigger  stories  of  dominance,  exploitation,  “civilization”,

               imperialism, racism, anti-unionism, gender discrimination, emotional and physical harm, to


               say the least’ (2006, p. 659). Appadurai has suggested even if:


                        ...things have no meanings apart from those that human transactions, attributions,
                        and  motivations  endow  them  with...this  formal  truth  does  not  illuminate  the
                        concrete,  historical  circulation  of  things.  For  that  we  have  to  follow  things
                        themselves,  for  their  meanings  are  inscribed  in  their  forms,  their  uses,  their
                        trajectories. (1986, p. 5)



                       Many  food  following  projects  involve  multisite  ethnographic  study  of  key  points

               along  a  supply  network  (producers,  consumers,  retailers),  opening  them  up  to  consider


               historical,  biological,  economic,  political  and  socio-cultural  aspects.  Cook  et  al.  ask  us  to

               imagine picking up an item and hearing the people who had helped in its making, tell their

               story  (2006,  p.  655).    For  Benson  and  Fischer  a  broccoli  consumed  in  California  and


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               produced  in  Guatemala  becomes  a  thing  to  follow  (2006) .  They  argue  that  the  global
               broccoli  trade  consists  of  desires  –	 of  Western  consumers  to  eat  healthy  foods  as  well  as


               desires for Mayan farmers to get ahead economically (Benson & Fischer 2006, p. 800). They

               suggest that such desires ‘simultaneously subvert and sustain the hegemonic constellations


               that anchor crucial nodes in the international broccoli trade’ (Benson & Fischer 2006, p. 800).






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