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benefits  of  being  associated  with  either  end  of  those  poles.  To  date  the  tonnara  has  not

               received support by way of extra quota or finances from the European Union or the national


               fishery authority: for instance, there has been no additional quota for traditional fisheries. Nor


               do the powerful purse seiner and longliner industry groups, which have the capacity to lobby

               in the European Union, support the tonnara. Indeed the tonnara must compete with these

               large  fisheries  for  quota.  In  the  context  of  a  country  where  the  notion  of  tradition  and


               traditional foods is a significant part of the national imagination, this is interesting and says

               something of the economic pull of tuna and the size of the industry. On the other hand the


               recent changes to how and where harvest is done (i.e. transferred in cages to fattening ranches

               in Malta) may hinder any appeal to tradition. The use of cages would also challenge its eco-


               friendly reputation. For example, as we saw previously, Slow Food and Greenpeace do not

               support these new methods and technologies.

                       In the context of the tonnara and struggles over resource use, how useful are the terms


               traditional and local knowledge? My analysis so far suggests that these framings are not so

               useful. Furthermore, it suggests that we should be just as critical of relatively new knowledge


               paradigms  in  relation  to  culture  (e.g.  traditional  and  local  knowledge),  the  experts  and

               institutions  that  generate  these  knowledge  paradigms,  as  we  should  with  the  expert  and


               institutional  knowledge  about  nature.  Perhaps  then,  a  more  productive  focus  is  to  seek  to

               better  understand  the  power  dynamics  of  knowledge  conflicts  by  examining  how  certain


               knowledge and ways of knowing tuna are legitimised. In a Foucauldian framing this means to

               ask how certain knowledge is made possible. This then involves abandoning the simplified


               framing of certain knowledge as contextual and decontextual, and considering the process of

               “decontextualisation”  and  “contextualisation”.    The  next  section  aims  to  explore  these

               processes in relation to the tonnara. The questions that seem important now include: How


               does knowledge come to be in localised situations? To what end is such knowledge mobilised




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