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which might add to descriptions and debates around different ways of knowing tuna and the


               power inequities of making certain tuna knowledge legitimate.

                       Certainly expert knowledge comes to the tonnara in the way of scientific observers,


               quota, fishery policy, and is embodied by the tonnarotti. As I indicated through the accounts

               of the mattanza in the previous and current chapters, there are now scientific observers, coast

               guards and university staff contracted by ICCAT, who are present at certain moments in the


               season, such as during the mattanza and the transfer of tuna to the sea cage. These experts are

               charged  with  the  tasks  of  monitoring  the  tonnara  to  ensure  compliance  with  fishery


               regulations  and  of  generating  data  through  sampling  and  tagging  activities.  New  forms  of

               knowledge,  activities  and  institutional  affiliations,  which  are  based  on  scientific  ideas  and


               marine  sustainability  discourses,  have  arrived  with  the  presence  of  experts  and  the

               administration of quota. There are also other experts, such as environmental NGO groups and

               tuna traders. These different stakeholders bring diverse opinions, values, knowledge, skills


               and modes of managing resources, often leading to conflict over the management and use of

               Atlantic  bluefin.  So,  Perley  and  Heatherington’s  epistemic  imperialism  is  a  reasonable


               framing  to  understand  the  power  relations  between  experts  and  fishermen.  Furthermore,

               expert knowledge in fishery science is used to resolve problems in a global manner and hence


               universalises what are locally based practices and histories.

                       My  main  concern  regarding  the  contextual/decontextual  distinction  relates  to  scale


               and temporality. The positioning of some knowledge as local and some as detached, largely

               ignores  the  connection  between  local  communities  and  the  global,  as  well  as  the  local


               contexts of all knowledge production. The tonnara simply does not fit into these discursive

               and  political  poles  and  it  never  really  has.  Like  most  examples  of  cultural  knowledge,

               knowledge  exchange  has  been  a  common  occurrence  and  so  it  is  impossible  to  define  it


               simply as local and traditional knowledge. The history of tonnara ownership since 900AD




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