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in the stabilisation of certain aspects of a past and the loss of others. The 2015 EU proposal

               provides a good example: it situates the trap within the borders of permissibility	and relegates


               the  mattanza  and  wider  post-harvest  practices  to  a  position  of  historical  and  cultural


               background, effectively irrelevant to the future tonnara. Here tradition is a malleable term

               that exists in the system of fishing for tuna but that stops at the net. As a result the tonnara is

               redefined  and  the  harvest  and  local  processing  industries  obscured.  The  contemporary


               tonnara is reconstituted as not only a food procuring system but as a system for collecting

               scientific data about tuna.


                       These transformations are produced through the conditions of sustainability. They are

               in  response  to  the  particular  forms  of  modern  fishery  regulation,  which  is  based  on


               controlling access to fishing via the quota system and regulated through regional bodies and

               the  nation  state.  In  the  case  of  Italy,  fishery  regulation  through  quota  happens  in  highly

               politicised and unequal ways, at the expense of what it is to be a fisherman in southern Italy


               or  at  least  a  tonnarotti  in  San  Pietro  and  Favignana.  Within  this  political  context  the  EU

               proposal is an appeal to tradition and to sustainability. This is an example where the political


               will and the processes of justifying the trap have interfered with the practice of harvesting,

               preserving and trading tuna. It is also a clear example of the problems of bifurcating nature


               and culture as distinct areas of governance and intervention. As a result, even attempts to

               account for tuna as well as tuna fishers, are thwarted by the institutional embeddedness of


               nature and culture as distinct areas of intervention.

                       Barbara Neis et al. suggest there is a ‘global ecological revolution’ that is based on


               ‘the  transformation  of  nature,  our  productive  relations  to  nature,  the  reproduction  of  the

               fishery  household  and  communities  and  the  dominant  legal,  political  and  ideological

               frameworks  that  govern  fisheries’  (in  Power  2005,  p.  102).  This  ‘global  ecological


               revolution’  impacts  the  lives  of  fishery  dependant  peoples,  which  are  mediated  by




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