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the multi-lateral nature of the organisation (Fromentin et al. 2014, p.8). The recent history of
the stock demonstrates that decisions were often made amidst power relations between
economic and conservation objectives (Fromentin et al. 2014, p. 12). Furthermore, when
ICCAT adopted the quota system the gold rush began, causing ‘the incredible deterioration of
the data submitted to ICCAT’ (Di Natale 2010, p. 1012). At the time the catch shares were
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based on 1995 and 1996 catches. Contracting Parties (CPs) were able to change their recent
catch statistics so as to obtain the highest possible portion of quota (Di Natale 2010, p. 1014).
There were further complications associated with changes to the allocation criteria that
included not only fisheries with a catch history, but incorporated new coastal CPs and their
needs, and even those nations without any tradition in the bluefin fishery (Di Natale 2010, p.
1014). This meant that CPs with a long historical tradition but weak statistics, received quota
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shares that were insufficient to cover their fishing capacity (Di Natale 2010, p. 1014).
Ultimately, Di Natale argues, the result has been an underestimation of total biomass (Di
Natale 2010, p. 1014).
Tuna as public concern: NGOs and media
Rarely is a commercially exploited fish given as much media coverage as Atlantic bluefin
(Fromentin et al. 2014, p. 8). During the 2000s and for good reasons, NGOs publicised the
eastern Atlantic bluefin as the archetype of overfishing and mismanagement (Fromentin et al.
2014, p. 8). Suspicion of ICCAT within environmental NGOs also grew and was
communicated via campaigns and the media. The suspicion was in part due to the politicking
over TAC levels and the poor success of fishery management. In addition, during this period
there was little enforcement of the TAC. It was only in 2007 that ICCAT introduced a
recovery plan, in part due to pressures from NGOs. The plan included an increase of
minimum size (10kg to 30kg), a reduction of the length of the seasons, and an increase in
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